Doug Wead on Neil Cavuto, February 2, 2015.
Doug Wead on Neil Cavuto, February 2, 2015.
It’s Fathers’ Day and I remember an extraordinary man, Roy H. Wead, my father. He was the first District Superintendent for the fledgling Assemblies of God in Indiana. It was May,1946, the month I was born, and the old Central District was split into two separate organizations, one for Ohio and one for Indiana. Dad was the youth director and then missions director for the old district so most of the pastors in the state knew him. He was elected Superintendent on the first ballot at the District Council in Bloomington, Indiana. He had just turned thirty years old the day before.
Roy Wead served as District Superintendent for 13 years and saw the Indiana District grow to prominence. According to a story in the Pentecostal Evangel, the District became the fastest growing in the nation, opening a new church, every month, for 13 straight years. (March 15, 1959, Pentecostal Evangel, Triple in Twelve Years, p. 14.)
Throughout the 1950’s three of the top ten A/G churches in the country were from Indiana, South Bend Calvary Temple, Evansville Calvary Tabernacle and Fort Wayne Assembly. When Pastor Ted Vibbert sparked growth for Abundant Life Tabernacle in Indianapolis there was one astonishing two year period when four of the top ten A/G churches in the nation were in Indiana. (Counselor.)
Dad had to find a campgrounds, which they did on Lake Placid, near Hartford City, Indiana. And he had to raise the money to buy it and build a dining hall, dorms, cabins, a tabernacle and a baseball diamond. Paul Davidson, a retired missionary from the Philippines took on the task of maintaining the place and every summer the Wead kids and the Davidson kids would roam the campgrounds.
The first headquarters for the Indiana District was an office in Terre Haute. In 1952, dad moved the headquarters to the more centrally located Indianapolis. Out in the suburbs, on 56th street, across from a cornfield, he built the first two parsonages for the Superintendent and the Secretary Treasure. We moved into one of the limestone houses, Rev. Dale Zink and his family moved into the other. The son, Paul Zink, is now pastor of New Life Church in Jacksonville, Fl. He was my childhood playmate.
Today, although arguably in decline, the Assemblies of God, is one of the nation’s larger Protestant denominations but it was a different animal in those days, more of a dynamic fellowship and less an official organization. Almost all of the pastors had come out of mainstream denominations, many were Methodist. They had been persecuted for their Pentecostal beliefs and practices. Some had been pastors who found their churches padlocked by superiors while they were thrown out on the street without salary or housing. A “fellowship” was about all they could take. There was a clear anti-denominational streak and anti-education streak as well. The universities were the fountainhead of all of the new “modernist” doctrines that were undermining the faith.
Somehow, Roy Wead, had to organize a District out of chaos. There were hundreds of independent Pentecostal churches with pastors twice his age. Dad took his cue from them. Thomas “Pop” Paino, Glenn Horst, William “Fletcher” Duncan, Roscoe Russell and young men like Gordon Matheny, William Van Winkle, Cecil Enochs, Vern Stoops, Bill Thornton, Wilson Shabaz and Lester Sumrall. For years, Leroy Sanders was the Assistant Superintendent, followed by Paul Paino and then Paul Evans. All of them would have distinguished careers as pastors and leaders in the greater evangelical world.
There were reasons for unity. Without an official denomination their numbers would not be recognized by the federal government and there would be no army chaplains to help their young men in arms. They experienced power when they were together and inspiration from their exchange of ideas. So dad tread very carefully and respectfully and eventually succeeded because he genuinely agreed with the idea that decentralized power would bring more success and growth. He was an anti-denominationalist, building a denomination. Participating Churches could be official members or just “in fellowship” with the right to withdraw. It worked and Indiana became a mecca for young A/G graduates. It was growing and it was open to new ideas.
There were sometimes conflicts. Some national denominational leaders saw Indiana as a rogue district that was too tolerant. Healing evangelists that were banned elsewhere were welcome in Indiana. But so too were neo-Pentecostal intellectuals. Ward Williams, who married my aunt, became the first A/G ordained minister to earn a doctorate, as well as her first military chaplain. He was a favorite camp teacher. J. Robert Ashcroft, president of Evangel College and father of Attorney General John Ashcroft, was invited almost every year.
This “openness” characterized the spirit of the A/G at that time, at least in Indiana. Dad didn’t like the idea of kicking someone out of the “fellowship” over a doctrinal or policy dispute. He said, “If you keep kicking everybody out, you will eventually be kicking them in and YOU will be out.” When the A/G, threatened by the new Oral Roberts University, decided to pull the papers from any minister or teacher involved, dad defended them. He hosted Oral Roberts events in Indianapolis, Fort Wayne, Evansville and South Bend.
In 1959 he resigned and became pastor of South Bend, Calvary Temple. For many years it was the largest church in the A/G and the first to have its own daily television program. All of the Christian musicians and evangelists came through, anxious to get some television experience and videotapes of themselves.
The great Catholic Pentecostal movement saw some of its beginnings in our church when a layman, Ray Bullard, hosted a prayer meeting for Kevin Ranaghan and others from Notre Dame. When a group of the Catholic students wanted to take the movement to Ann Arbor and Michigan University, our church provided the start up money to make it happen. Dad was called a traitor. When Ranaghan journeyed to Springfield, Missouri to meet with the General Superintendent of the A/G he was turned away.
Roy Wead, suffering from heart disease, and in retirement, returned to his roots in North Dakota, planning to finish out his days as president of a small college. But when the the North Dakota State University closed its campus in Ellendale and offered the multimillion facility to the organization who could come up with the best plan, dad awakened. His plan won the day and Trinity was awarded the Ellendale University campus for a dollar bill.
The denomination must have had a love-hate relationship with my dad. In spite of his independence and resistance to centralization and a domineering, controlling leadership, or maybe because of it, they voted him in bi-annually as an Executive Presbyter were he served for a generation on their governing board. So I was a bit surprised when I attended the A/G General Council in Indianapolis in 2007 and the program featured a “history of the Indiana District of the Assemblies of God.” My dad was not mentioned.
“If you do good things,” he often said, “people will challenge your motives. If you do great things, they will challenge your methods. But don’t let that stop you from doing good things or great things.”
Today, the George W. Bush library will be dedicated and a long list of luminaries will laud the life and legacy of our 43rd president. I first met the future president in 1986, in Corpus Christi, Texas. I was an independent businessman at the time, and simultaneously, working for his father as an adviser. As the host of a business event held at the Corpus Christi Convention Center, I invited in George W. Bush to speak to the group. He did a great job. And afterward I took he and Laura and the twins to a Mexican restaurant where we talked politics.
In March, 19987, he joined his father’s campaign and co-opted my work with coalitions so I reported directly to him. It was then that he learned the power of the evangelical vote and how to tap into it.
I may be the first person, outside of his own random fantasies, who actually thought of him as a future president. Shortly after his father was elected I wrote a 44 page memo on presidential children. In the study I learned how many sons pursued the presidency themselves. Not just the first son born to a president, which was John Quincy Adams, but nine others. A few of them came close, including John Van Buren and Robert Taft. So I wrote about that possibility for the young Mr. Bush and talked about him to journalists, including a description in an article dated 1991. (George Jr. exhibits clout in Bush White House. Denver Post. December 15,1991, p6a.)
George W. Bush has a dynamic personality, a cunning sense of humor and was the most decisive person I had ever met in my life. While I never stopped praying or rooting for him, personally, I publicly parted ways with him over the war in Iraq. It was a decision that would cost me dearly in my career. Even before, when a 1998 CNN/Gallup poll showed George W. Bush as the leading presidential contender, I warned my wife. “If he wins the presidency we will go to war with Iraq and we will kill Saddam Hussein and we will kill his sons.” After 9-11, I watched helplessly as our war against Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda shifted to a war against Saddam Hussein, the man who had tried to kill Bush’s father.
There were many unintended consequences to the war in Iraq and to the subsequent upheaval across the Middle East. It was called “the Arab Spring” as dictatorships toppled. But Democracy, offered to voters in the region is routinely voted down as soon as it is won. The people want theocratic dictatorships. And they choose them at the ballot box.
Christianity, which existed in Iraq for 2,000 years and traced its lineage to the apostles , numbered one million believers before the Iraq war. It has been cut in half, with churches destroyed and members killed or fleeing to Jordan. Now the Coptic Christians of Egypt, one of the oldest Christian communities in history faces possible annihilation.
In 2011, when the whole West, including President Obama, were celebrating the change of governments in the Middle East, I was hotly criticized for throwing cold water on the celebration. It was not out of any loyalty to the dictatorships they replaced. But rather to the naive confidence with which we so easily brushed aside the tenuous house of cards that were in place. We did so by what we said and did and what we did not say and did not do. And we accomplished this without debate or adequate consideration, acting on instinct rather than logic. The consequences have meant death to many and the blood bath may have only begun.
Today, supporters of President George W. Bush say that he kept America safe and never raised taxes. Opponents say his war in Iraq had unintended consequences that are unhinging the whole Middle East and his spike in spending wrecked the economy.
Presidents spend their time in office trying to shape what happens and when its over they spend their time trying to shape what we think happened. Both with limited success. Today, President George W. Bush has begun his campaign for his legacy. What do you think? How would you rank the president’s time in office? Today the former president has a a 47% approval rating which is exactly the same as President Obama.
Participate in this poll and learn the results.
It has only been a little more than a month since Senator Rand Paul’s filibuster on the floor of the U.S. Senate. But it is looking more and more like a defining moment in American politics. It may be a defining moment in American history.
I think the presidents’ notes and letters constitute some of the most valuable writings of any president in all of American history. And by the way, only a fraction of those notes are in the book.
And why do you think they are important?
Well, they are more than “stream of conscious” they are “stream of heart.” As he conducts business, congratulating a birthday or issuing instructions to a staffer, he is also talking about what is going on around him. It’s a twitter diary before twitter. Communications reduced to a few words. But they reveal more than dates and times, they reveal how the president feels about what is happening and what is being said. And most presidents and politicians guard their feelings.
Give me some examples.
His mounting disgust over Saddam Hussein’s treatment of Kuwait. Which led to a great miscalculation on the latter’s part. It was the same miscalculation that Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega made. Bush, Sr. has a tender heart but a will of iron. You can read the notes and see that war was coming.
What notes in the book are the most revealing to you?
The president’s constant comments on his pain and deep feelings about the criticism of his son. Both men, father and son, would rather be attacked themselves than to see the other attacked.
And there are layers of irony in that because some historians will judge one or the other president wrong on Iraq. Either the father was right to leave well enough alone, after driving Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. Or the son was right to have a war and get rid of the tyrant, even though Iraq became an Islamic Republic and with that unintended consequences, such as Christians being drven out for the first time in 2,000 years. One can argue either way.
How will history judge Bush, Sr.?
In the interest of full disclosure, I served in his White House. But I can tell you that observers in the former Soviet Union credit him as much as Reagan with the collapse of their empire which for us meant the end of The Cold War, and the end of the threat of nuclear annihilation.
Under Bush, Sr. there was a very real chance of a counter revolution. And he had pressure on every side to act. But he wisely invoked Napoleon’s dictum, “never interrupt your enemy when he is making a mistake.” And in the end, he finished what Reagan started.
There are many football teams that do well for three quarters and then lose the game at the end. George H. W. Bush, won the last quarter of the Cold War and that sealed the deal.
See Doug Wead on CNN speaking to this topic.
For the past few years, we in the liberty movement have had the luxury of being able to stand on the outside and lob in grenades at America’s corrupt foreign policy. But now, with one of our own, Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky as a potential president, we have to face the reality of how to govern. What would a Rand Paul presidency look like? We got the answer this morning when he delivered a speech before the Heritage Foundation.
Keep in mind, Rand Paul spent seventeen years as an Ophthalmologist. Nevertheless he preformed what can only be described as Rhinoplasty – or a nose job – at the Heritage Foundation, outlining before the stuffy G.K. Chesterton conservatives in the audience a new foreign policy for the Republican Party, one that offers a better fit for new realities. Some Rinos will like it, some, who are growing fat as lobbyists for government subsidies, won’t.
Rinos (Republicans in name only) is the acronym applied to liberal Democrats who became Republican during the Reagan years, at the height of the Cold War. They agreed with Reagan that communism was dangerous and America should not accept its inevitable ascendancy and should contest it. Although less enamored by Reagan’s supply side economics and totally rejecting of Reagan’s social agenda they became an important part of Reagan’s winning political coalition.
But when the Cold War ended the Rino wars kept going. They lobbied for a bigger budget for the CIA, a bigger budget for defense, with newer and better weapons and more interference around the world. And all of this was before 9-11. What had been a moral imperative, to stand down an aggressive, criminal communist gerontocracy, morphed into a role of America as moral guarantor for the world.
“We have the power,” the Rinos pointed out, “it is unconscionable for us not to use it against injustice.” Of course, Rinos and their corporate friends made money off of this new arrangement.
Today, with the added impetus of the war on terror, American accounts for 42% of the world’s military expenditures. We have 50,000 jets, while our nearest rival, China, has 5,000 jets. We borrow money from China to put boots on the ground in Australia to defend Australia from China. Feeling safe? And, ironically, the strategy we used to bring down communism is destroying us as well. Our arms race bankrupted the Soviet Union and now we are close to bankruptcy ourselves.
Meanwhile, Democrats and Republicans are locked into a fiscal death embrace, Democrats spending programs to reward their political constituencies and Republican spending money to reward their pals in the military industrial complex. Both sides are eating at the pig trough of public money while the rest of us are taxed to death, handing over our hard earned money to government favorites.
The deadly solution? The insidious hidden tax? “Quantitative easing.” It has wiped out the wealth of a whole generation and made a tiny oligarchy of rich and powerful.
Most of us in the liberty movement have really offered no solutions to foreign threats. Our foreign policy has been to close down all of our military bases, end all of our wars, mind out own business, and curb the power of the presidency. This we hoped would help restore the economy and turn our enemies into friends. Eventually.
In the meantime, what would our policy be if one of us were president? Are these ideals only fodder for our blogs and books and newsletters? Would we really ignore a nuclear Iran and pretend it will go away? Would we ignore terrorist attacks on our allies and say it is none of our business? While we all abhor the loss of civil liberties, how far would we go to use government intelligence to pre-empt a terrorist strike against us? Where do we draw the line? And is there a safe path back to that liberty movement ideal, without us getting ambushed along the way?
The Senator began by defining the current foreign policy crisis. The enemy, he said, was not terrorism, which is after all a tactic, but rather radical Islam, something that many politicians have been reluctant to acknowledge. Rand pointed out that it is not the tiny percentage it is often alleged to be by politically correct, wishful thinking, American politicians. Rather it is a “robust minority.”
Part of Rand Paul’s new foreign policy was a list of liberty movement basics, although couched in language that Rinos, who now dominate the Heritage Foundation, can swallow. And more often than not they were posed as questions. He called for an end to war by executive order. He quoted Madison who warned that war is always more favored by the chief executive.
He complained about the irrelevancy of congress pointing out that the president sought permission to use force in Libya from NATO, the United Nations, from anyone but the US Congress where the power belonged.
“The debate over war is the single most important debate in this country and it should not be glossed over.”
Invoking his recent trip to Israel he pointed out that the debate about a nuclear Iran is underway in Jerusalem but not in Washington.
“Where are the calls for moderation, restraint?”
He alluded to the “unintended consequences” of war, a favorite subject of his father, Dr. Ron Paul. “Why are we so quick to supply weapons for Syrian rebels? Will they respect the rights of Christians in their new government?“
Rand Paul asked the room full of Rinos, many of them lobbyists for corporate arms manufacturers, “Should we keep sending weapons to countries that are hostile to Israel and the United States?”
But if the Senator called for fewer military bases, less soldiers overseas, a less trigger happy foreign policy with less power residing with the presidency, he also called for a more coordinated and ambitious strategy in the war against radical Islam. This will be a tough pill to swallow for some diehard Libertarians.
He compared this crisis to the challenge of the Cold War. And called for a modern version of Cold War containment, a policy that is not entirely military but not all diplomatic either. Countering radical Islam, the Senator declared, demands a worldwide strategy. When there is war, we should go into win it and we should not go in alone.
Rand Paul said, “What the United States needs is a policy that finds that middle path.” He called for a “foreign policy that recognizes the danger of bombing countries because of the fear of what they might do.” But also one that legitimately acts decisively when danger is known.
He pointed out that “A foreign policy that is everywhere all of the time is an extreme [policy] on the other hand a foreign policy that is nowhere, any of the time, is also an extreme [policy].”
How will liberty movement leaders accept this call for a foreign policy more engaged than our ideal? How will neo-conservatives and Rinos accept a future where American doesn’t bomb first and ask questions later?
Rand Paul ended his speech with these words, “I will be a voice to those who want a saner and sounder foreign policy.”
Nietzsche once said that “In individuals insanity is rare. But in nations it is the rule.” We can only hope that our nation will come out of its stupor and find the wisdom in Rand Paul’s clarion call.
No modern president has really been good for small business. Or even fair for small business. Because all the provisions they made, with headline grabbing legislatiion, were overcome by the increased tide of regulation and big business subsidies.
The whole process became corrupted by the 1964 landslide victory of Lyndon Johnson. At that point, big business, seeing the coming election victory for liberal Democrats, began to donate to both parties in earnest. They have done so ever since. It is no longer accurate to refer to GOP as the party of big business.
With Johnson’s victory and a spate of new federal regulations many giant corporations stumbled onto a new way to achieve monopoly, namely, by supporting regulations that small businesses could not afford. Economic regulations, social engineering that included regulations for hiring, special tariffs, even environmental regulations could all be used to squeeze out small business competitors.
Right on its heels came the resurrected power of lobbies, stronger than ever before in American history, allowing big business to secure billions in government subsidies for various contrived purposes. Thus for years McDonalds got millions from taxpayers, claiming that it needed the money to compete with French hamburger chains who – you guessed it – had French government subsidies, while the small American business hamburger joint down the street paid taxes to support McDonalds, their big business competitor.
All of this came home to me in its full fury during my time as special assistant to the president in the GHW Bush White House. The American Disability Act was upon us and it struck me as odd that the reps of major corporations were in the Roosevelt Room of the West Wing, using their power and influence to urge a lower threshold for compliance. At one point they wanted businesses with only 5 employees to be forced to meet all the requirements, ramps for wheel chairs, special phones and all the rest.
Why? Were these big businesses concerned for the disabled?
No. They wanted to drive up costs of small business competitors by saddling them with burdens that only big companies could afford.
In the Robber Baron days, the monopolies would lower the price to drive off competitors and then raise the price when they had the market all to themselves. Today, they seek to drive up the price through government regulation and thus keep competitors out of their market.
Finally, to complete the triad and the corruption, big businesses began to hire large public relations firms who in turn hired former prosecutors, FBI agents and other government operators to use new laws and government agencies and editorial favors from media to destroy small businesses who posed a competitive threat. This process accelerated as the world went global and corporations found themselves operating in countries where the media and the government were for sale. But with enough money and advertising revenue, the process works even here.
Small businesses are tolerate as long as they remain small, very small. And even then if they get in the way, they will be crushed.
See Entrepreneurs list of the Top Presidents for Small Business.